A RESEACH PAPER

URBAN GROWTH AND QUEST FOR SUSTAINABILITY: CASE OF DUMKA, JHARKHAND

- Hasrat Arjjumend May 2004


Introduction:

A general comparison reveals that the population growth has always been higher in plains than that of plateaus or deserts of tropical regions. It has geo-socio-biological bearing on the trend of the spatial growth of urban areas, which establishes a distinction between the extent of urban centres in North Bihar and urban agglomerations in South Bihar (now Jharkhand). Jharkhand, carved out of Bihar in November 2000, has lower density of populations than Bihar; yet it has variety of towns and cities. Moreover, the percentage of urban growth in Jharkhand is higher than that of Bihar, which shows that the urban agglomerations have been expanding fast in the state causing new challenges and opportunities for the town planners, authorities and the local urban bodies. Citizenry ultimately has to see additional pressure if it wants to maintain the towns and cities in their present carrying capacities. This paper discloses the untold tale of an expanding town, called Dumka, in north-eastern part of newly formed Jharkhand state in India. With the formation of Santal Parganas district in 1855, Dumka served as headquarter of the district, and later of the division. Currently, Dumka town is headquarter of Dumka district, and is the sub-capital of Jharkhand state. The paper in its true essence examines the historicity of the growth of the town and its implications in terms of sustainability of the town. It is based on an exploratory study commissioned in 2003, and updated in 2004, by New Delhi based organization Society for Participatory Research in Asia (PRIA).


Growth of Urban Dumka:

In the history of Santal Paragana Dumka emerged on the canvass only in the beginning of 19th century. Describing the immigration of Santal tribe to Damin-i-Koh or skirts of the Rajmahal Hills, Buchanan Hamilton in his survey of Bhagalpur (1810-11) wrote that a good number of tribes settled in Dumka area by 1809. Following the British victory over Santal rebellion movement of 1855-57 the colonial rulers carved out the new district called Santal Parganas in 1855 with four sub-divisions of Dumka, Godda, Deoghar and Rajmahal. For the consolidation of British power Naya Dumka division was created after 1857 under Assistant Commissioner. In the report of McPherson the word ‘Dumka’ has been derived from Persian ‘Dum-e-Koh’ which means the tail of hills. H. Beverly conducted an experimental census and published in 1870 the “Report on the Experimental Census Operations”, which enumerated the total population of 13,259 in New Dumka sub-division. Subsequent census operations viz. census of 1901, 1911, 1921, 1931, 1941 and 1951 showed slow growth of population in Dumka sub-division.

According to old concept of towns, that signifies the habitations consisting of the population equivalent to 5,000 or above may be considered towns, New Dumka (hereinafter referred as Dumka) started taking shape in 1911 or before. Till as late as 1951, the town was in the nascent leg. In the later years Dumka grew haphazardly and now one can see the urban growth at its climax. Before looking into the different issues circumventing the urban settlements, the pattern of growth of town has necessarily to be comprehended. In whole Santal Paragana district the ratio of urban and rural population in 1951 was 1:23, which turned to be 1:18 in 1961. Amusingly, the district had 3 towns only ¾ Madhupur, Deoghar and Sahibganj ¾ in 1901. In 1931, Dumka was included among 5 towns of the district. The growth of urban population in Dumka town has been shown in Table.1. Until 1971, Dumka town fell under the category of class-IV, which meant the town with population of 10,000 to 19,999. In the census of 1971, the town jumped into the category of class-III (population of 20,000 to 44,999). Dumka has entered into class-II town as the population in 2004 has crossed 45,000.

Between 1950 and 1960 the main habitations in Dumka were Gilanpara, Old Babupara and Dangalpara. With the government offices in the centre heart of present ward-XVI, the main market place used to be Tin Bazar. Majority of population (60-70%) was of Bengalis, and rest of backward castes and Muslims. Around 1950 the Muslims had 25-30 houses in Dangalpara, and 250-300 families in whole Dumka, who were mostly peon in offices, drivers, tailors or cook. There were few well-educated and well-placed families of Muslims too that time. Sufficient number of Muslims especially kalals came here from Bhagalpur suburb and Banka subdivision due to communal riots occurred in 1966 to 1980 and then in 1989. Later trading communities (Marwari, Baniya, Sindhi, Gujarati) came into the town. In the town mathematical growth of population has taken place after 1980. People from adjacent rural areas arrived here in search of employment, the growing number of new government offices followed by the declaration of Dumka Commissionery brought in new chunk of population of outsiders, and the expanding trade & commerce further attracted more number of human heads. Till 1971 there were 8 wards in the municipal area of the town, which doubled in 1981 census.

By the year 1951 the total area of Dumka municipality was 4.118 km2, whereas it increased (with the inclusion of new areas before 1981) to 6.20 km2. At present the radius of the town has been approximately 1.5 km with 0.5 km radius of newly grown-up urban settlements (chiefly emerged from rural settlements). The town-planning wing of the office of Deputy Commissioner has proposed to expand the radius of the town to 8-10 km with constitution of Dumka Regional Development Authority (DRDA). Work of town planning will gear up only after the commencement of railway for which the broad-gauge line and station are under construction. Although the town could set off growing right after the separation of Santal Paragana from Bhagalpur Commissionery in 1983, the opening of newer offices magnetized the additional populations into town.

During 1960s the market was narrowly restricted to few locations like Sindhi Chowk, Tin Bazar and Marwari Chowk. Apna Hotel and Sindhi Hotel were the main points for meal availability. As the settled population as well as floating population grew, newer market centres and lanes emerged. Growth of population and the agglomeration of market centres have cyclic effect on each other, which naturally has triggered, noticeably, the influx of floating population. In Dumka, a bi-weekly haat (popularly known as hatia) is organized, which was initiated by colonial rulers. Until 1974-75, when it was handed over to Krishi Utpadan Bazar Samiti, the hatia had been managed by municipality. The samiti at the moment manages Tin Bazar market too, apart from hatia. Developed/ developing market or just sporadic shops may be seen on the corners or approach roads of all big/ small colonies or habitations. Moreover, the changes in the market and marketable commodities provided both opportunities and threats to town dwellers and rural populations in a number of avenues. Many new occupations transpired while at the same time quite many occupations died or dying. Changing culture of market also demanded a different breed of merchants, vendors, occupants, sellers, etc.


Increasing Urbanization and its Consequences:

Now once the Jharkhand has become separate state in 2000 and Dumka as sub-capital, the populations of the town will essentially show upward growth coupled with burgeoning demands for space, infrastructure and life-supporting commodities. There is a growing pressure on and demand of the civic amenities and infrastructure in the town. Supply of water, electricity, food, fuel, household stuffs/ appliances, etc. has to be ensured in the proportion of population growth. For instance the supply of milk is critical enough, which has been met adequately. Within the town there are about 500 dairies (khatal); on Buxi Bandh road alone one may see 10-20 khatals. Some milk is also supplied from adjacent villages. Attached with dairies it is the supply of forage (e.g. paddy hey) from distant rural areas. Everyday 10-15 bullock carts (and 50 carts on Monday and Friday each) reach Dumka. Each cart contains 80-100 bundles (tada). Similarly coal is supplied by 9 coal depots. Retail price uses to be Rs. 300 per quintal. For catering the fuel requirements of the poor sections, the cooperative ration shops provide kerosene (@ Rs. 10.50 per litre) each month. Instead, 26 kerosene vendors sell the kerosene (@ Rs. 15-20 per litre) in different parts of the town. On the haat days i.e. Monday and Friday, between 25-45 bullock carts arrive Gandhi Maidan that contain 50-65 bamboo poles each. These bullock carts come from villages near Kathikund, Gopikander and Masalia blocks of Dumka district. This bamboo is used in construction works mainly. One bamboo pole costs between Rs. 35 and 55. So, it is just an illustration how the growth of the town mounted the ever-growing demands for various types of goods and commodities.

Floating population accelerating urbanization

Dumka town is everyday floated with mammoth size of floating population. At least 4000-5000 people, on an average, visit the town daily who come from all the 10 blocks, adjacent districts and some distant places. No less than 85 percent of floating population belongs to rural areas, and minimum 50 percent of the floating population remains of tribes. Buses, mini buses, jeeps and other public vehicles enter the town full (inside and on roof) of passengers in the morning, and departure in the evening. Court compound remains crowded till 4:00 p.m. where guesstimatedly 400-500 persons visit from outside daily. Not less than 200 persons visit daily the police station, Deputy Commissioner office, settlement office, Sub Divisional Officer’s office, block office and other offices. Even 100 aged persons may be seen in front of pension office everyday from 2nd to 15th day of the each month. As said earlier about 500 men and women come for labour work. Many people come each day for attending shops of varied types, for vending and hawking, for pulling rickshaws and cycle thelas, and for lot of other tasks.

Bi-weekly haat bazaar is the special attraction in Dumka. Minimum 4000 additional people visit specially on Friday in haat bazaar. All possible commodities desired by the local populace could be found here. This haat bazaar is famous for animal trade also. The traders and vendors come from West Bengal, Bihar and distant areas of Jharkhand. Animal traders are mostly the Muslim Bengalis from Sahibganj, Maldah and Burdwan side. There is an equally heavy influx of tribes from Santal Paragana in the haat bazaar. Floating population of the town suddenly rises once in a year particularly on two occasions i.e. examination of matric and intermediate classes, and Hizla Mela (annual fair).

The floating population is providing a new lease of life to the town and influencing greatly the phenomenon of urbanization. Although the urbanization has inevitably to expedite in Dumka as because of two reasons: one, the declaration of sub-capital of Jharkhand state; and, second, the connectedness of town with railhead. Yet, the floating population has been relatively responsible for accelerated rate of urbanization. A good size of floating population finds shelter in variety of employments while putting pressure on the existing infrastructure, amenities, facilities and available space. Additionally, the conspicuous is the emergence of newer demands for expanded market (and hence commodities), water, roads, cleaning & disposal services, and so forth. Resultantly, the already inhabited settlements are transforming into crowded mohallas/ colonies; and the empty spaces in some wards are being occupied or colonized alarmingly. Areas outside the municipal zone such as Dudhani, Shastri Nagar, Rakhabani, Azad Nagar, Baoripara, Jarwadih, Bandarjori, Khijuria and Shiv Mandir have grown up as parts of town, although they are administratively considered the rural areas. In the process of urbanization the least space becomes available to the poor people. In Dumka too, the poor sections have concentrated in few pockets i.e. Jarwadih, Shiv Pahar (Mochipara) and Kumharpara, which have been developing as the slum settlements in the town.

Changing Occupations

Dumka was once dominated by Bengali zamindars during 1950s and 1960s; as the time passed by trader castes started occupying the space in Dumka. Now the Bengalis have reduced or hanging somewhat around 50 percent of total population. Bengalis are either landlords or in government services. Some may also be found in business and trade. Major trades requiring medium or large size of investments are owned by mostly the Baniya, Marwari and Sindhi. Muslims, now in enough proportion, have concentrated chiefly in Dangalpara, Kumharpara, Dudhani, Rakhabani and Khijuria area, and are engaged in mostly in lower status occupations such as tailoring, motor mechanic shops, cycle mechanic, thela vendors, haat vendors, drivers, small shopkeepers, and so on. Hardly 1-2 percent persons are seen in business and government services.

In absence of industries there had been a considerable emigration especially of tribes. The tea gardens of Assam and Bengal have had a great attraction for Santal and Paharia tribals. The Tea District Labour Supply Agency at Dumka, under a superintendent, used to supply a large number of labourers to Assam and Bengal. But due to statutory restrictions imposed, the Agency ceased to function from 1953. However, mass of labourers even now continues to emigrate seasonally to the neighboring districts in West Bengal, especially at the time of paddy transplantation and harvesting. Among the floating population in Dumka town, those who come for labour work (construction and household works) and cycle rickshaw/ thela pullers constitute at least half of tribal people. Reservation of SC and ST in services is also attributed to the increased number of their families in town.

There was a heavy concentration of carpenters in Dumka town during 1960s. With the declined supply of wood and expanded availability of plastic molded items in the market, the families engaged in carpentry are bound to face livelihood crisis. For example, in Rasikpur (ward-I) 40 percent families belong to carpentry occupational group. Due to changing scenario of town, about 70-80 percent carpenter families have embraced other occupations like small shops, skilled labour works, etc. Rests of them still stick to their ancestral occupation, and live at risks. Similar is the condition of black smiths. However, they are still in better condition than carpenters. In the town there are 12-15 black smiths at the moment. One who sits on the corner of Gandhi Maidan earns Rs. 150-180 per day even now. In fact black smiths have also changed their professional skills from making agricultural implements to making house windows and grills etc.
Important dimension of the growth of town could be traced through understanding the profile of rickshaw/ thela pullers. One cycle mechanic, Mr Lal Chand, brought first rickshaw in the town around 1952-53. Till then tamtam had to be the local mode of conveyance. Arrival of rickshaw affected them greatly. Now only one tamtam has been maintained by Mr. Ramzani. First man giving the rickshaws on rent was Mr. Raju Mandal who had to charge Re. 1.50 to 1.75 per day. During 1970-75 the number of rickshaws in Dumka was not more than 250; but at the moment this number is approximately 1,500. Rickshaw pullers owning the cycle rickshaw are very less in number, not exceeding 3-4 percent. Only those who reside somewhere in or around the town, in greater concentration in Khijuria, Jarwadih, Gandhinagar and Dudhani, have bought rickshaws (costing Rs. 4,500) because they can manage to park it. Remaining rickshaw pullers, mostly coming from neighboring rural areas, do not have own rickshaws despite their ability to purchase it. These rickshaw pullers hire it on rent of Rs. 12, 15 or 19 per day from the rickshaw owners, mostly Marwari or traders. In the whole town there are above 20 rickshaw owners. According to some rickshaw pullers there are only 5-6 rickshaw garages registered in municipality. The tax rate has not revised ever since the 1960s. On an average a rickshaw owner has between 10 and 50 rickshaws.

Another class of poor occupants is the cycle thela pullers who generally carry the goods within the town. Cycle thela came in town first timely in 1986-87. Since then the number of cycle thelas and rickshaws has grown steadily. Right now at least 15 owners have 500 cycle thelas. On a cycle thela one or two persons not only pull/ push it but also load-unload the goods. The pullers mostly come from villages in the morning, take the cycle rickshaw/ thela, work round the day, and park it in the evening. Approximately, 40 percent pullers are only permanent pullers, rest flee to the town in lean season; when they do not have work in villages come to the town. The economic status of rickshaw pullers has worsened instead of improving. In the town only one thela puller, Mr Gopal Mandal, could capitalize his earnings and became owner of 30-35 cycle thelas. Rickshaw/ thela pullers confront numerous vital issues. Pullers from rural areas threatened the existence of urban pullers in a way that none of the pullers has bargaining capacity. It is happening because pullers have added to in greater proportion than the rickshaw passengers. The earnings are rapidly decaying day by day whereas the family expenditures are multiplying due to inflation. There is even no group insurance scheme for rickshaw/ thela pullers. In case of any accident, the rickshaw owner even refuses to accept his cycle rickshaw in a bid to escape himself. None can even identify whether the rickshaw belonged to that owner or the puller himself. After 1992 municipality has not yet registered the rickshaws or thelas. Since most of pullers are totally unorganized as they even do not have association. In 1997 a young man pulling rickshaw himself attempted to organize the pullers and demonstrated opposite the Deputy Commissioner’s office. Consequently, he was caged, and voices of rickshaw pullers were suppressed forever.

Among the unorganized workers the daily wage unskilled or semi-skilled labourers have increased rapidly after 1980. On Tin Bazar Chowk and Dudhani Chowk one may see at least 200-250 persons each standing everyday between 8:00 a.m. and 9:00 a.m. As many as 500 persons from the villages within 10-15 km radius come here for daily wage labour work, mostly in construction and houses maintenance etc. About 15-20 percent of these many persons use to be semi-skilled or skilled persons like white-washer, mason, plumber, carpenter, etc. Around 1980-85 this number of labourers was approximately 100 or less. During kharif season the employment is readily available in rural areas, so the number of labourers coming to town in search of employment reduces. Current rate for unskilled labourer is Rs. 50 per day, and that for skilled labourer is Rs. 80-120 per day. Unskilled labourers settled in Dumka are very less in number. However, the number of hammals (loading-unloading labourers) has remarkably increased since 1985. They generally work in shops of agricultural commodities, small mills (like oilseed spellers) and godowns of cement, fertilizers or building material. As many as 50-70 such hammals work in the whole town.

Situation of small-scale and cottage industries in Dumka is grim. Since Dumka was not as well connected as other towns were, the industrial development could not take place in desirable pace. As the town grew some occupations such as dairying, flour milling, oil extraction, soap making, tailoring, cycle repairing, hair cutting, electrician works, food stuffs vending, hotels, beetle & tobacco vending, etc. although have distinguishably come into sight proportionately. Weaving demonstration unit was stationed at Dumka sometime back in 1926-27, but the handloom or power loom industry could not groom up because weaving occupation groups do not reside here in adequate size. Between 1972 and 1985 Dumka town had 4 rice mills as the paddy is main crop in the district. At the moment only 1 mill is operational. Establishment of 4 no. roller mills in the big villages and the submergence of paddy lands in Massanjore dam affected the rice mills of Dumka and its workers.

At times when old occupations gradually tumbled the new occupations emerged very fast. Poor segment of the town appears to have been affected most in the process of urbanization. One of the most neglected occupational group is of shoe-makers who are purportedly the harijans. Though engaged in other occupations too, these harijans repair or make shoes in some shops and by sitting at public places. Between 50 and 60 are such shoe-makers in the town who mostly live in Mochipara (Gandhinagar). The occupation of pot makers has almost died. More or less 10 kumhars living in Kumharpara and Rakhabani shape up the pitchers, teacups, diya, roofing tiles and idols. This occupation is increasingly turning into less remunerative, which poses a grave threat to these artisans.

Buying drinking water in the town has been practiced for much long. Actually the people learnt to live with the water scarcity. In the entire town almost 150 male water fetchers fetch the shops, hotels, houses and some construction sites. In bus stand alone 10 such water fetchers supply the water to shops and buses. For each pair of water-full containers they charge Rs. 2. Some thela pullers also fetch the water.

Government as well as the public of Dumka outrightly rejects the existence of one odd occupational group, which is of prostitutes. Trafficking is not new for Dumka like other cities. After 1985 the number of women involved in prostitution has increased from 4-5 to 25-30 right now. Current population of sex workers is of permanently serving in the town who generally come everyday from within 25-30 km radius. On haat days i.e. Monday and Friday, the number of such occupants drastically rise to around many dozens due to added floating population of them and then falls down. Out of permanent women, 70 percent are avidasis, and 30 percent are non-adivasis. Of the essence the fact is the occupation of sex workers is gradually heading towards the institutionalization in Dumka. However, this trafficking is devoid of middlemen/ middlewomen and the interference of police. Average earning of a prostitute ranges between Rs. 150 and Rs. 200 per day. However, some youngsters also raise Rs. 1,000 per day depending on the nature of customer. Noteworthy is that 90 percent of these sex workers do not have brothers, but 3-4 sisters. Main reasons forcing these women into trafficking are supposed to be the dispossession from their lands, their facing the incidents of rape, being a widow or divorced, and outcast from the society. Many white-collar people and clandestine lot of officials/ staff are among the beneficiaries of pay services of sex workers.

A large section of population will be neglected if the alcoholism in Dumka is not taken into account. As many as 3,000-4,000 people are involved in total cycle of country liquor, beginning from manufacturing to the consumption. About 250-300 sellers reach Dumka in 3 shifts (first between 5:30 a.m. and 10:00 a.m., second from 10:00 a.m. to 12:00 noon, and third from 1:00 p.m. to 5:00 p.m.) primarily at few locations such as Hatia, Bus Stand, S.P. College, Kathikund Road, Vijaypur, Pokhra. Informal estimates indicate that the country liquor equivalent to Rs. 50,000 per day is sold in Dumka town, which is not less at par from the sale of licensed wine shops. Jarwadih is believed to be the main production centre. Villages surrounding the town have also involved massively in manufacturing and selling. The town dwellers approach these villages daily for consuming the liquor right there.

Escalating poverty

In Naya Dumka (the present town) area many Bengali zamindars had to collect for British administration the land revenue from Santals and Paharias. Gradually the trader class, as also involved in moneylending, started agglomerating side by side the sizeable population of Bengali zamindars. Trader class considerably altered the socio-economics of the town and inculcated new breed of urban occupations. Through moneylending and other unfair means the traders purchased the lands owned by tribes in and around Naya Dumka. Bengalis also started selling lands for multiple reasons. Later the non-tribes, mainly traders (Marwari, Baniya, Sindhi and Muslims), dispossessed the tribes from their lands massively. Although the sale of tribal lands was ceased from 1937 under Santal Paragana Settlement Rules and then after the enactment of Santal Parganas Tenancy (Supplementary Provisions) Act 1949, the dispossession of tribes from their lands continued unabated both in urban area and neighboring rural areas. With this background the linkages of urban poverty could be trailed. Genesis of urban poverty in Dumka does not end up on the urban population exclusively. Roots of urban poverty go behind in the history till 1950. Before that it was not as intense as after 1950s. But real poverty problems could generate only after 1980 when lots of rural populations began to immigrate.

Rural populations, mostly the poor, put ample pressure on the urban employments and existed occupations. Supply of employment in the town could not ascend in the proportion the demand of works rose. Very few of the old occupations could survive except those of supported by large investments. All small investment based occupations are under extreme pressure, except those that have grown up newly as per modern demands of the town. Diminishing availability of work and the increasing competition are held responsible usually for the lowering earnings apart from massive population of unemployed immigrating permanently or floating from the rural areas. For example, the rural rickshaw pullers (90%) who come to the town permanently or seasonally have negatively affected the urban rickshaw pullers (10%). Due to joining the rickshaw pulling occupation by the rural poor, not only the pulling charges of pullers have fallen down but the average number of passengers available per puller has automatically declined. Likewise, the increasing number of cycle thela pullers (mostly rural poor) has negatively affected the work availability to the hammals. Shrinking access to the works available and falling income levels appear to be the prime causes of growing poverty in the town. Rest of the reasons such as lack of education, deteriorating health, skewed growth of population, government’s failure to provide development aids, and so on might be considered secondary reasons of urban poverty. People engaged in poverty-prone occupations though acquire varied range of earnings. An initial look at the conditions of poor groups in the town enables to square up the average earnings of unskilled workers about Rs. 20-50 and those of skilled workers about Rs. 50-90.

Though the poor families cannot be isolated to one ward or the other in Dumka, however, the poverty intense pockets in the town are well distinguished. During post-1980 period few habitations have developed as the settlements of poor. It happened because of colonization factor as well as the availability of vacant government land. In the town and its suburb the most poverty prone zones are Mochipara (ward-V), Dangalpara (ward-XIV), Jarwadih and Khijuria. Mochipara, inhabited primarily by harijan and Muslims, mirrors the worst scene of poverty in Dumka town. In Dangalpara, Darjee Mohalla, Harijan Mohalla and a small pocket around temple in Kandupara are relatively very poor. Jarwadih is like shantytown north-west of Dangalpara, and is supposed to be a bustee of extremely poor people. Both Jarwadih and Khijuria are growing as places of squatters. Labourers, rickshaw pullers, semi-skilled workers and tiny vendors etc. shelter in these haphazardly growing areas. After these most poor settlements, all three Rasikpur wards (I, II & III) and Kumharpara (ward-IV) should be considered as poverty prone. A substantial percentage of the resident families are obviously poor in these pockets. Synonymous to Rasikpur and Kumharpara are three areas, Dudhani from Tower Chowk to Gaushala, Dudhani from Tower Chowk to Kurwa, and Keotpara behind Mission Compound, that should also be reckoned as poverty prone. But these areas do not lie in the municipal boundaries; rather constitute the parts of Hizla panchayat. From among the poverty stricken or poverty prone zones falling in municipal boundaries, the Mochipara, and all areas in the suburb outside municipal boundaries have been colonizing fast and haphazardly. As the Mochipara and Jarwadih have grown up as slum-like settlements, the rest of the poverty prone areas both in municipal boundaries and outside would also likely develop as squatters if proper town planning is not executed and efficient poverty alleviation programmes are not implemented.

When talked about the poverty alleviation schemes or urban development schemes, the municipality was found not to have well-structured programme. Swarn Jayanti Shahari Swarozgar Yojana and Balmiki Awas Yojana are two main schemes being executed through municipality for the poor families. In various areas not a single family was found to have received the benefits under any government scheme. According to municipal authorities, the urban development schemes have not so far been taken up seriously. As far as the ‘slum improvement’ programme is concerned, the administration does not yet consider any of the area as slum, so the question of thinking for ‘slum improvement’ does not arise.


Challenges of Civic and Environmental Management:

As the town grew the population in Dumka put pressure on the existing infrastructure and amenities. Although the space available for the newer populations has not been scanty till this time, but the carrying capacity of the town is falling short in the ratio of the horizontal expansion of inhabitants. What lies underneath the present problems the citizens of Dumka are facing is the lack of proper town planning and disappearance of institutions responsible for conserving the environment. As a result, generally entire population of the town has to face problems of varied nature; among them most important are described as below:

Potable water supply

Water is extremely essential resource for keeping the life intact. When water scarcity is hitting the entire globe, Indian towns like Dumka are not free from the shadow of problem. One way the scarcity is natural, while on the other hand it is very much man-made. Mismanagement of this precarious resource and the alarming growth of population have generated the water crunch especially in poverty-ridden zones of the town.

In the urban areas the municipality and Public Health Engineering Department (PHED) have taken joint responsibility to provide this basic amenity to people. In Dumka, currently the Hizla Water Supply Scheme, established in 1955-56, of PHED is networked in ward-VII, IX, X, XI, XII, XIII, XIV, XV and XVI. In 1962, there were 150 house connections and 75 roadside hydrants. At present wherever the water supply exists the population is served either through private house connections or the roadside hydrants. Five deep tubewells have been installed at different locations. Some habitations are being served by handpumps. Till 1960s the main sources of drinking water were tanks and wells (45 and 1250, respectively). Now the use of tanks for even non-drinking water has been negligible; only Bada two tanks are under current use for non-drinking purposes. The introduction and promotion of handpumps tended to downsize the usage of wells in the town. Right now none of the government agency has exact figures of wells in use in the town for drinking water.

Together with the growth of town the water requirements have shoot up proportionately. Average per capita water requirements in the town range between 5 litres to 10 litres per day. But the problem lies in unmet demands of water for drinking and domestic use. During summer months the water crisis becomes acute. Citizens of Dumka predict this crisis will likely render more acute in near future. In the month of March the shortage of water could by far be beheld. In the water supply lines the force of water remains considerably low. This is the case particularly in the areas where the water is given through Hizla Water Supply Scheme, which operates in the morning between 7:00 a.m. and 10:00 a.m. Some deep tubewells provide the water twice a day, while others work only once. Seeing long queues of fetchers on the hydrants may get one to imagine water problems. Mutual quarrels are quite common on the hydrants at the time of fetching. As the day dawns the men and women begin to make queues of containers. Low force of water and short duration of supply make the people fight everyday.

The perceived reasons of this short supply of water are: (1) leakages from old rusted pipeline, (2) low voltage power supply, (3) wastage of precious water from artigen well (round the clock natural source of water), and (4) lack of water conservation and judicious use at community level. The water supply network in the town has become very old as a consequence of rusting and aqueous scaling. The rusting of iron has reduced the thickness of buried pipes, while scaling inside caused the diameter of hollow pipes narrow. All this not only hinders the smooth flow of water that ultimately reduces the force at delivery points, but also damaged the pipes at numerous locations for causing leakage of water. PHED as an institution has almost died in the dearth of staff, funds and work culture. It is not able to even comply with the complaints, let alone the replacement of pipeline. PHED has sent the proposal for replacement of entire network for sanction, which is awaited for a long.

People permanently dwelling the town considerably influence the society–water interface. Trend of over consumption due to changing lifestyles especially among well-off families is a matter of serious concern. There are immense quantities of water being utilized in the bathrooms, washing machines and flush latrines. In virtually all poor segments of Dumka town the usage of water is limited, the most of water is consumed in the private connection holdings and the government quarters/ residences. At times when water conservation efforts at community level are the thing of gone days, the judicious use of water should be an issue of urgent attention. Tendencies of maintaining traditional water harvesting structures in the town like wells and ponds have abhorrently wiped out from the urban cultures. Handpumps, though half of them are lying defunct, have been vastly proliferated in the town as alternative source of drinking water and as alternative mechanism to cover the unserved populations. The PHED and individual families have installed over 2,000 handpumps so far. PHED routinely installs the handpumps even today. Those who are able to get individual bores in their house premises install the electric pumps to augment groundwater for private supply. In the whole town over 500 private bores exist. These private bores are mainly concentrated in the wards-XVI, XII, XIII, VIII, VII and XV. As of now the groundwater level at majority of locations in the town is favourably high. However, in the near future the unregulated overexploitation of groundwater may give rise to unmanageable crisis of drinking water.

Segments in the town having ability to buy the water comfortably bear the cost of transport of water. For over a decade a class of town dwellers has emerged that hires the bharia (water fetcher) for private water needs. Such class is composed of shopkeepers, well-off households and civil contractors. Over 150 water fetchers serve in the town the drinking water requirements. Thela pullers carrying number of containers may also be seen in the town who usually fetch the water requirements of construction works. Water holes used for fetching have been mainly the open wells scattered all over, and one artigen well. The shopkeepers pay Rs. 2 for two containers of water the bharia carries in one round. Evolution of such an economic relationship of poor water-fetchers and well-off families or shopkeepers has transformed into institutionalization of a mechanism of alternative water supply in the town.

Drainage and sewage disposal

Thanks to the wisdom of first dwellers of Dumka who had selected such a wonderful site for township. But the successive generations especially of post-1980s are busy in converting the town’s lanes and blank spaces into sewerages. The topography of the town has been very much undulating and favorable for smooth drainage. All urban wastewater is being collected in the lowlands, which later disposes off into Mayurakshi river from where the drinking water for the town is pumped out. Summarily, the drainage of the town flows south to north, south-east to north-west, east to north-west and north-east to north-west. Apart from this, much of water drains off into the ponds scattered all over the town. At least 15 ponds in the town have converted into sewage disposal tanks. In the whole catchment area, a number of natural drains have been either blocked forever or diverted in order to ease out the construction of buildings or roads.

Haphazard growth of town and near to defunct structure of municipality caused the whole town a watershed of sewage two years ago. The kutcha drains and channels are full of filth and foul smells. As a new state of Jharkhand came into existence, the allocations came for lining the channels and constructing the drains along with some roads. Works were completed in 2003. By virtue of erstwhile Chief Minister’s personal interest in developing Dumka town, newer allocations came for constructing channels and roads in virtually all mohallas and colonies of 16 wards. Mostly the open channel system has been employed in the view to avoid the choking problem, as it is difficult to clean the covered channels in case they get choked. Municipality has a project in pipeline to properly manage the urban wastewater. Before final disposal point an effluent treatment plant (ETP) and few aeration tanks are proposed to be built that would treat the sewage/ wastewater. Despite all new construction of channels, the blockade of channels is common all over the town. Roughly 50 percent channels have choked due to rubbish, garbage, soil and polyethylene concentrated. In most of the areas the local dwellers do not take a notice of it, but in some localities the people clean the filth and put it roadside. The personnel in the municipality not only escape from cleaning the filth of channels but also turn blind to scavenge the piled up filth. After sometime it starts slipping off or washing into the same channel again. Most of the families though have coped with this change, still few are facing difficulties.

Yet another serious matter is negligence of existing ponds in different corners of the town. These ponds not only maintain the groundwater table but also act as supplementary water sources for non-drinking purposes. In spite of renovating these ponds both the public as well municipal authorities have made them dirty holes, drudging shores and dumping pits. As a consequence, these valuable natural water-harvesting structures are dying fast. Many such water bodies or parts thereof have been drudged for extending building construction.

Domestic and solid waste

In an urban area the most concerning dimension of sanitation and hygiene use to be the openly lying garbage and domestic refuse along the roadside and on street corners. Municipality is supposed to manage this vital solid waste properly, but the long lying garbage has become most significant public hygiene concern. Categorically, the sources of solid waste in Dumka town are distinctly three: one, the domestic garbage that is highly fertile in nature; second has been the sludge taken out from the channels that is piled up roadside in concentrated form; and third, dry waste heaped after sweeping that chiefly contains polythene, paper and soil. Since the organic waste, chief constituent of garbage and refuse, starts degrading biologically it produces fouling odours that encroaches upon the quality of ambient environment. Degradation of environment also takes place when the pigs, dogs and cows begin searching in the mound of garbage some eatable components for them. These situations are visible in virtually all localities in the town.

Dumka Municipality previously had installed 9 garbage containers in the town, which were more often than not placed in power-centric locations. Later in 2003 additional 10 containers have also been fixed at other locations. However, the attitude of citizens is not as conducive as they do not pour the garbage or refuse in the container. Quite often the container spills over when fills and the garbage is not lifted in time. Rarely any road or lane one can come across where the garbage would not be amassed. Some big stacks of garbage and rubbish in various mohallas have been lying for a year or half. Municipality personnel confess that they are not able to clean the solid waste from entire town because of their reduced manpower and relatively heightened generation of garbage. Only on special occasions the municipality hires extra labour to clean up the garbage from majority of areas.

Associated with the clean up of garbage and urban solid waste is the ever-growing problem of disposal. Currently only few dumping grounds exist in the town. Interestingly, there is no systematic planning of garbage dumping, wherever the place is found the garbage is emptied. Some private plot owners ask the municipality to fill their pits, if any, which makes plot owner’s expenditure saved. Municipality yet has no thinking of identifying and demanding the landfill sites where the solid waste could be scientifically dumped and compacted.


Environmental sanitation and hygiene

The foremost function of municipality a common man instantly thinks of is maintaining cleanliness on the streets of town and public places. Sweeping staff in the municipality is not at all sufficient keeping in mind the area of different wards. But the fact must not be overlooked that possibly 70 percent of main roads in different wards (except ward-I, II, III, V and XIV) become clean in the morning hours. The role of households situated along the road cannot thus be ruled out in sweeping. Still there are the places, especially where poor segments dwell, where sweeper seldom reaches in a yearlong period. Many among sanitation staff do not go on work repeatedly or infrequently. Several are too weak to work properly as their health has deteriorated due to chronic ailments like tuberculosis. Few may be found drunken all the times. Non-payment of salary and host of other factors may be accorded to have spawned these situations. From the beginning the culture of septic latrines could not cultivate in Dumka. As soon as the town grew the latrines came into existence among well-off households and service class. The poor constituencies still withstand the culture of defaecation in open/ blank spaces and, sometimes, on roads and drains. At the moment the municipality served latrines do not exist. No community latrine has yet been brought in the town by the municipal body. However, under Swarn Jayanti Shahari Vikas Yojana the municipality forwards some cases to banks for the sanction (loan + subsidy); but only the tenants having holding or lease papers may get this benefit. Incongruity is that majority of the population living below poverty line, who are eligible for the scheme benefits, does not have holding or lease papers. It is because either they have settled on non-saleable lands or donated lands or have just occupied the government land. And it is why the poor generally do not obtain benefits under the said scheme.

There is no satisfactory body of information on the status of public health in the town now. Department of Health consolidates some statistics of patients attending the district hospital, sub health centres and dispensaries. For the town area the municipality has a health wing to deliver petty health services and gather vital statistical information. As of now there is none in the said health wing to dispose off the corresponding functions. The foremost and ever-visible public health scene is the menace of mosquitoes that cause malaria and filaria, the common diseases of Dumka. In recent past the improper drainage in the town had to cause sewage and wastewater logging in the hollows & depressions of lanes, which acted as breeding factories for mosquitoes. After the construction of roads and channels the menace of mosquitoes may reduce in near future. Yet, there are numerous low-lying zones where mosquitoes find heaven. Otherwise too, the open channels passing along the roads and lanes continue to provide habitat for mosquitoes. Although the mosquito problem is expanding its tentacles the world over due to mixed reasons, however, no effort is made by the health or municipal authorities to kill the mosquitoes or obstruct further breeding. Long lasting garbage heaps also provide lease of life to the mosquitoes.

Obviously the city waste when exposed to the people causes deadly diseases like cholera, schistosomeosis, dysentery, diarrhea, ascarasis, etc. Children and infants is the most vulnerable group. Infant mortality is very high in Dumka especially among poor sections who lack sanitation facilities. In the poverty-stricken areas of town, Mochipara for instance, the adults may be sighted sitting or standing with wall or pole support. It is because more than half of the population of adults has tuberculosis. Poor sanitary conditions, unhygienic dietary situations, squatter-like housing, exposition to hazardous occupational environment and suffocated indoor environment all adversely impact the health of poor in Dumka too. Inadequate diagnostic and treatment facilities for tuberculosis are attributed to severe loss of productivity of poor class in the town. Majority of people die undiagnosed. A large population of ailing persons even cannot afford the medical aid. The health delivery machinery of state is more or less running in failure in Dumka.


Quest for Sustainability:

In each corner of the town the citizens on one hand exhibit irresponsible and insensitive attitude towards maintaining environments and civic amenities, while on the other hand they seek clean environment, excellence of services, improved infrastructure and secured citizenship rights. There is a complete paradox in these two antagonistic situations. It is in the present situations sure that the town has grown environmentally unsustainable and could hardly be restored to sustainability if certain wise measures are not taken in time. The way the urban governance structures and institutions have eroded makes us understand the precariousness of the citizen-governance relationships and their role in rebuilding the urban habitations. In Dumka, actually the municipality, main institution responsible for delivering services to the citizens, underwent serious decay since 1965, the temporal timeline from where the town really started growing. It is nothing but again a paradox that the civic institutions began eroding once the town started swallowing. The municipality also saw further degradation following no participation of the citizenry due to absence of electoral processes after 1988. It is an acute crisis of staff and workers in Dumka Municipality apart from heavy financial crunch particularly for salary disbursement. At present total strength of staff in municipality is 92 against the 224 sanctioned posts. Main factors identified for the rapid down fall of municipal body are: (1) ever-halting manpower in the execution, (2) paucity of desired funds, and (3) lack of people’s participation at various levels.

Another important reason as to why the urban environment in Dumka appeared to be deteriorating is the decay of civil society organizations (CSOs). Until 1980 the accelerated influx of immigrants the town was relatively full of organic institutions of the citizens that used to take care of the urban affairs. The people had to own the town. Sense of belongingness and face-to-face intimacy were the key elements of vibrant society of Dumka. But as the new generations took over the old ones, and locust-like immigration of outsiders occurred, the beautiful institutions holding grip on the urban affairs rapidly dismantled and hence eroded. With strengthening of the intervention of government systems (e.g. municipality) in the urban affairs, the operational periphery of the civil society institutions started shrinking, thereby, causing their dormancy or death. Earlier in each human habitation the affinity between the people was enormous, which inherently influenced the upkeeping of the public amenities, resources and assets. Now not only the government institutions have deteriorated but civil society institutions have also rapidly dismantled. Civic sense has grossly lost from the urban society of Dumka. People simply pass the buck on to the government’s shoulders. Despite this, the civil society in Dumka has immense latent concerns for the management of urban affairs and local self-governance.

Problems in urban areas have one more radical origin that the administration seldom accepts; it is how the people in governing structures perceive the social, economic and political relations of the citizens within the habitations and in the town as a whole. People are never seen from capital point of views. Capital here means the social capital, human capital, etc. There is no doubt in it that “if the people are the source of problems, they are only the solution of problems”. World over it has been experiences during managing the urban affairs that the ‘technologies’ fell short of tackling problems sustainably. ‘Technology’ and ‘assets’ as a matter of fact aid the reconciliation of the urban civic problems, but they do not suffice until the town dwellers do participate the management of civic affairs and conservation of the urban environment. The authorities in Dumka grossly failed to appreciate these capitals inherent in the civil society of the town and always looked for the technical solutions of the urban problems. However, the people’s participation in the urban management of Dumka can be seen even today, which exists in varied forms. Matter of paramount importance is that the mohalla/ colony dwellers deliver some municipal functions at their own. People’s activity is seen sometimes on special occasions such as Diwali, Chhat and Eid. Several households in one lane or row of the mohallas either contribute labour or money for cleaning the drains/ channels, for lifting the garbage/ rubbish heaps, and for sweeping the lanes/ streets. For example, when it rains the households in Mochipara work together to push the garbage and silt washed out with running rainwater. Similarly the residents of Rakhabani/ Kumharpara collectively clean the mohalla on special occasions. At the market places the merchants and shopkeepers unite together for cleaning purposes. Though this type of participation of town citizens especially in cleaning operations exists in whatsoever extent, but no very distinct community initiative is visible in any corner of the town.

There seems a tremendous scope of shaping afresh or remodeling the community institutions at mohallas level. When talked to local residents, potential has been observed in the people to get organized for the cause of managing localized affairs. Some development intervention, however, is essential to strengthen and sharpen the citizen leadership. Local people as well as the municipal authorities stressed on the necessity of forming ‘mohalla committees’, which have ever not tried out. Moreover, the community is full of leaders. But the leadership, existing in whatsoever form, has to be appropriately streamlined in order to improve urban governance. Furthermore, not many civil society organizations (CSOs) have been observed active in the town. In the main market, a ‘traders association’ though exists that looks after some concerning issues of traders and their welfare. This ‘traders association’ has been a powerful CSO that may influence the town’s governance system even to any extent. However, there is substantial number of volatile CSOs in different mohallas. At the time of Dussehra festivity, ‘Durga Samitis’ take shape, but as soon as its job is over, its disappear. In each of the given wards a ‘temple committee’ essentially exists. Coordinated from Jama Masjid, there is an Anjuman-e-Islami that has branches in Dangalpara, Kumharpara, Rakhabani, Shaani Dangalpara, Khijuria, Dudhani and several other mohallas. Every mohalla elects a ‘sardar’ who represents in the Anjuman-e-Islami. Such religious institutions, and some “occupation-oriented institutions” could be streamlined to act as effective CSOs.

Obviously, it is nearly impossible to create/ recreate the organic institutions in the town as man’s self-centredness and vested interests are dominant over literally every avenue of life, but we can teach them the management. As far as the participation of civil society in urban governance is concerned, the formation of separate strategies for separate groups and classes seems essential. Some citizens suggest that the ‘ward committees’ need to be formed following the election of municipal bodies. Another group of people emphasized upon the ‘mohalla’ as the unit of working to strengthen the citizen groups. It is clear, albeit, a rigorous exercise of awareness building, mass mobilization and empowerment of the marginalized has to be undertaken in order to make the urban governance participatory and responsive and, resultantly, the town sustainable. After all a blue print of action with certain workable guiding principles needs to be prepared by

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